Monday, July 20, 2015

Labor Mobility In India

Narendra Modi struggles to overhaul India's labour laws
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is again facing dissent from members of his own camp who oppose proposals that would make it easier for companies to do business. .... The country's top 11 unions -- the biggest of which is linked to Modi's ruling party -- have called for a nationwide strike on Sept. 2. They are resisting his plan to merge 44 labor laws into four, a move that would simplify some of the world's most rigid rules for hiring and firing workers. ......... "If there's no satisfactory reply from the prime minister, the strike will continue," Baij Nath Rai, president of the Modi-linked Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, said ..... The union will oppose "tooth and nail" any policies by any government that go against the interests of workers, he said. ..... One of the most controversial provisions is allowing companies with as many as 300 workers to lay them off without government approval. The cap is currently at 100, while existing retrenchment compensation is three times lower than proposed. Another is an attempt to make it tougher to form unions. ...... The government and unions failed to reach consensus on key issues such as retrenchment, closure of factories, formation of unions and minimum wages at a meeting on Sunday ..... The country's biggest union is linked to the ideological parent of Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party. While it differs from unions connected to the main opposition Congress party and Communist groups, they all see eye to eye in opposing Modi's overhaul of India's labor laws. ....... Successive Indian governments have failed to change the laws, fearing a backlash from unions and working-class voters. ..... Modi is treading carefully ahead of an election later this year in Bihar, one of India's poorest states and home to about 100 million people. He's already facing opposition from farmers over a bill to make it easier for companies to acquire land, opening him up to criticism that he cares more about big business than about the poor. ...... "Modi has been caught between a rock and a hard place" ..... "If he moves ahead he will lose votes. If he doesn't then investors will lose faith in him." ..... Economists and business groups say existing laws incentivize firms to stay small, hurting productivity and preventing the majority of workers from accessing legal safety nets.

About 81 percent of Indian laborers were "vulnerable" in 2010 because they didn't get regular wages

, the second-worst ratio among 81 countries tracked by the World Bank.

कुछ रास्ते हैं
  • एक रास्ता है confrontation का जो मार्गरेट थैचर ने अख्तियार किया, कि जाओ बंद हड़ताल करना है तो करो, खुद भी थक जाओगे, लोग भी तुम से थक जायेंगे, और मजबुरन खुद ब खुद काम पर वापस आओगे। शायद ये मोदी और भारत के लिए ठीक नहीं होगा 
  • दुसरा रास्ता है education का ------- labor law reforms देश और खुद मजदुर के हित में क्यों है इस बात पर व्यापक स्तर पर तर्क वितर्क हो। शायद ये रास्ता ज्यादा अच्छा है। लेकिन मुश्किल ये है कि टाइम प्रेशर है। 
  • तीसरा रास्ता है इसको पहले स्टेट लेवल पर अमल करो। लेकिन ऐसा करने से एक पीढ़ी चली जाएगी। धीमी गति विकास क्या खाक विकास। 
रास्ता नंबर दो: Build A Strong Case, and market it hard. Be willing to compromise a little.

ये तो Land Bill के जैसा हो गया। भारत को double digit growth rate के रास्ते पर ले जाने के लिए दोनों की जरुरत है, Land Bill और Labor Bill दोनों की।

  • जिस job guarantee को आप ढूँढ रहे हो वो job create कौन करता है? Entrepreneur . तो उस बन्दे का हाथ पाऊँ बाँध के रखे रहो तो वो अपना काम नहीं कर पाएगा, तो फिर वो job creation का काम कैसे करेगा? 
  • इंडिया में labor mobility नहीं है इस लिए बड़ी तादात में foreign investment नहीं आ रही है। देश आगे नहीं बढ़ रहा है। 
  • अगले जेनेरेशन की सोंचो। जो नौकरी आप कर रहे क्या ये चाहते हैं कि आपकी संतान भी वही करे कि उससे अच्छा करे? 
Land Bill stuck in the Parliament: PM Modi may have to rethink Jaitley as FM
Arun Shourie's critique is simple: Modi does not need a Palaniappan Jaitley as FM
The NDA government has some – and not inconsiderable - achievements to its credit. Among them: the passage of the insurance, coal and minerals bills, the small factories bill that will end inspector raj for small units, the successful holding of the coal and spectrum auctions, the NJAC bill, the rollout of the Jan Dhan Yojana, the decontrol of diesel pricing, and building further on the UPA’s Aadhaar-based and direct cash transfers scheme. The PM’s own contributions to foreign policy and efforts to highlight cleanliness through Swachch Bharat are surely commendable. ...... Even outside areas that need legislation, the Modi government has been simply too timid in deregulation and administrative reform - two areas that don’t require parliamentary numbers and are perfectly amenable to Modi’s decisive actions. ......... Jaitley's strengths are articulation, a good understanding of the art of political repartee, and a sound legal mind, as befits a lawyer. But his inadequacies are blighting the possibility of success. He does not seem to have an eye for detail, as a result of which his babus are leading him by the nose (consider the disastrous Rs 40,000 crore MAT demand on foreign investors and the complicated ITR form dished out by his taxman that would have taken tax terrorism to every home). His stringent black money bill will, if passed, make corruption worse, as mistrust rises to new levels in tax administration. ......... Jaitley’s political judgment can also be questioned. Not only did he misjudge his own chances of being elected MP by deciding to fight from Amritsar (where he lost, when he could have easily won from Delhi, his home base), he also led his party to defeat (along with Amit Shah) in the Delhi assembly polls. Worse, he completely misjudged the political opposition to the land acquisition law by provoking a counter-consolidation through the second-time issue of the ordinance. Bills are not passed by riding roughshod over opposition sentiment, but by smartly finessing their ability to do damage. ...... Jaitley's real problem is that he is a Delhi insider and hence less suitable to lead a revolutionary change in economic thinking under the Modi government. He would have been very good in I&B, Defence or External Affairs or Law, even education, but is probably the wrong man for the crucial finance ministry. ......... shifting Jaitley now would be a political blunder, but Modi clearly needs to give him three effective junior ministers who are all about execution and delivery. ...... Shah’s handling of allies has also been poor, if not disastrous. He has alienated the Shiv Sena by humiliating it after the BJP emerged as the biggest party in Maharashtra in the October assembly elections. He may be doing the same in Punjab, where the Akali Dal is trying to distance itself from the BJP. The party is losing allies in Tamil Nadu, which may not matter, but even parties who were not anti-Modi (BJD and AIADMK) are now playing hard-to-get. Only N Chandrababu Naidu and Ram Vilas Paswan remain strongly in the NDA camp, but they too cannot be taken for granted. ....... Maybe, just maybe, it is the Peter Principle at work: he may have been promoted to a level of his incompetence.
Arun Shourie critique offers pointers on what Modi must fix in his remaining 4 years
Arun Shourie, Disinvestment Minister and later Communications Minister in Atal Behari Vajpayee's cabinet, has offered a devastating critique of the Modi government's performance so far . While he has noted Modi's achievements in diplomacy and other areas, but his criticism of the Modi-Arun Jaitley-Amit Shah power troika is ultimately a critique of Modi's own style of functioning. .......... Modi has to understand the importance of compromise to get the opposition to pass important legislation. The fact is the Land Bill and GST cannot pass without opposition support. This means accepting delay as part of the process and working with the Congress and other parties to get a reasonable bill through. Here again, Jaitley has been a problem. The current GST bill is a moth-eaten one, and delay cannot make it worse, but possibly make it better. A moth-eaten GST bill may be better than no GST at all, but for a bill that has been more than 10 years in the making, surely another couple of months can’t do it harm?
Shourie slams Narendra Modi: 10 things he said
There is a big gap between perception and promise, and projection and performance. ...... Investment has not picked up. The government can't ignore India inc warnings. The government needs to wake up. Investors still have hope but the industrial sector is waiting for concrete moves. The growth claims are only to make headlines and the government only wants to manage headlines. ....... India needs labour reforms. There was no need for land bill controversy. Ordinances were ill-advised. They led to disruptions. BJP supported the previous Land Bill. Allies were not taken into confidence. Modi must embrace the opposition. No reform can take place without the oppositions' support. The opposition is ganging up against Modi and the BJP is frightening others. ....... The monogrammed suit was inexplicable, a critical mistake. Don't understand why he wore it.
Modi's California Tour in September; First PM to Visit Silicon Valley in 66 Years
Former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had visited San Francisco in 1949. ..... 15% start-up companies in Silicon Valley have Indians as founders or co-founders. ...... ''I hope his time is not monopolised by billionaires and big companies. Silicon Valley is so much more than that. It is the culture of start-ups and the enabling ecosystem that makes it what it is,'' said Vinod Dham, a former Intel vice-president. Dham is also known as the Father of the Pentium chip. .... His Nepal visit was the first bilateral trip by an Indian Prime Minister in the last 17 years. .... And with his upcoming trip to Israel later this year, Modi will be the first Indian Prime Minister to visit the country.
Bihar Asssembly polls: RJD plans tonga poll campaign



Why a forthcoming rally in Bihar is so crucial for NaMo and SuMo
The saffron party is considering announcing a chief ministerial candidate in Bihar if a Narendra Modi rally in Muzaffarpur doesn't draw enough crowds. ..... July 25 rally at Muzaffarpur. ... if enough people don’t turn up at the event, the party should declare a chief ministerial candidate to insulate Modi from any possible debacle. ...... reminiscent of the strategy the BJP adopted in the midst of the Delhi assembly election campaign earlier this year. Initially, the party’s position was clear – there will be no chief ministerial candidate, and the Modi card will be used just as it was in Maharashtra, Haryana, Jharkhand and Jammu and Kashmir.

Sunday, July 19, 2015

Bihar Is Rolling Along


Lalu Prasad, sons hold lessons in politics ahead of Bihar polls
“Go and tell people about the findings of this census. Every third family in the country is landless. 13% of households live in single rooms. Socho, agar chaar beta hai aur unki shaadi ho gayi, to kya hoga (Think, if there are four sons and they get married, what will happen)?” he says. ...... Early on Saturday, Lalu was back in his lawn. A visitor from Chhapra timidly announces his offering of fish and sattoo. Gesturing to leave the bag in a corner, Lalu snaps: “Machhi laata hai, ghoos deta hai ticket ke liye (A fish bribe for a poll ticket)!” Then he asks an aide to show him the fish and hollers: “Feko, feko. Sada hua hai (Throw it out, it’s stale)!” ..... A commotion at the gate stops him. “Aaj koi Muslim ko nahin rokega. Eid hai, sabko andar aane do,” he shouts.
Nitish cautious as BJP reworks Bihar’s caste labyrinth
in the end, much will depend on how the JD(U) and the RJD collaborate on the ground. The JD(U) wants the 2010 Assembly poll results to determine the sharing of seats. In that election, the JD(U) won 115 seats with 22.6 per cent, the RJD just 22 seats, though it polled 18.84 per cent. That happened, of course, because the JD(U) was in alliance with the BJP. Now the RJD wants the 2014 general election results to be factored in as it won four Lok Sabha seats against the JD(U)’s two. ....... It is for this reason that the JD(U) is keen on postponing the announcement of its candidates till a very late stage in the campaign, top sources told The Hindu, hoping that by then, Mr. Kumar’s charisma will have done the trick.
Nitish does a Modi, sets up ‘war room’ ahead of polls



Bihar CM Nitish Kumar Purchases 'Luxury' Bus for Campaigning in Assembly Polls
‘luxury’ and ‘ultramodern’ which could be turned into office at any moment. ...... “Inside the bus, there are four collapsible seats, which can provide more space as per the requirements. There was a bedroom behind the seats complete with a bedside phone. I guess it was a satellite phone. There was TV and refrigerator too,” the source said. ...... “The interior is divided into four areas, driver’s cabin, lounge area, bedroom area and a washroom at the back. The lounge section has 40 inch TV, 32 inch TV, DVD player, speakers (two sets), intercom, 60 litre fridge and electric kettle.”
Why Jitan Ram Manjhi is crucial for BJP in Bihar
But Manjhi's inclusion has now caused serious heartburn for the other two BJP allies, causing new problems for its plan Patliputra. ...... Feeling their space squeezed after Manjhi's inclusion in the NDA, RLSP boss Upendra Kushwaha has also unilaterally proposed its own seat distribution formula by asking BJP to contest 102 seats-which is also the number of seats that the saffron party had contested in 2010 in alliance with Nitish Kumar-and leave 74 seats to the LJP and the remaining 67 seats to his party. Clearly, Manjhi did not find any seat in Kushwaha's scheme of things. ....... Manjhi, who had been in a non-confrontational mode since meeting Amit Shah on June 12, is now showing his belligerent bones. "Everyone has a right to respect. If I do not get a respectable offer from NDA, I will have my options open," he said. The former Bihar Chief Minister is believed to have asked for 40 Assembly seats. ...... The BJP cannot afford to let Manjhi go and fight independently. The BJP party knows that the goodwill it enjoyed last year has vanished into thin air, and the electoral opponent it faced last year has become stronger than earlier, it has its task cut out. The party think tank is also apprehensive that while BJP may find it difficult to further raise their 2014 vote share, the partners, Ram Vilas Paswan's LJP that won six of the seven seats it contested and Upendra Kushwaha RLSP that won three out of three in the Lok Sabha polls, may not be able to repeat their performance in the Assembly polls. So, adding Manjhi to NDA is crucial, as of the 16 per cent Dalits, Manjhi is said to have considerable sway over 5-6 per cent Mushars.


Amit Shah vs Prashant Kishor: Who will be the wizard of Bihar election?
The forthcoming assembly election in Bihar is arguably the most important state election during Narendra Modi’s tenure as prime minister. Bihar’s result will have an impact on the Uttar Pradesh elections in 2017. If the BJP is unable to fly its flag in Patna and Lucknow, it will have frittered away the chance to reap long-term benefits from the Modi wave of 2014. ...... While Twitter and Facebook are the faces of social media campaigning, most of its social media focus was Whatsapp. Technology entrepreneur Rajesh Jain’s collection of phone numbers of people sympathetic to the Modi campaign (through those missed calls) was used to bombard those numbers with daily visual messages via Whatsapp. Modi’s speeches across the country had talking points from the CAG, based on feedback from where he was going to address the rally. The Statue of Unity project, which collected iron from people across the country to build a Sardar Patel statue, was the CAG’s idea. Modi sat through many of these strategy meetings of the CAG for hours, and was particularly impressed by the hologram idea. ...... The CAG’s core group of members kept expanding throughout the election. By the end of the election they numbered were 672, apart from the thousands of their volunteers spread across the states. ....... Former associates of Kishor, who worked with the CAG, say Kishor felt he didn’t getting his due in Modi government. He declined a post in the Prime Minister’s office as he felt he deserved better. Kishor and his Citizens for Accountable Governance had hoped to be given a high-profile role in policymaking and implementation in the new government. ......... (Despite this falling out with the party, Kishor is said to maintain regular contact with the prime minister.) ........... Kishor was so close to the Gujarat chief minister that he lived with Modi in his official residence in Gandhinagar . His body, the CAG, made decisions small and big that BJP leaders and workers had to follow. ...... The division of labour between the BJP and CAG was clear. The BJP, led by Amit Shah, worked on electoral strategies down to the booth level, doing much of the traditional work that it takes to win an election. Behind the scenes however, Kishor and his team were acting as force multipliers, packaging and branding Modi in a presidential style election. ......... BJP President Amit Shah owes his elevation as BJP president to the credit accorded to him for the election win, and Shah’s camp seemed to feel threatened by Kishor. ............ The battle between Shah and Kishor playing out in Bihar is about more than just personal rivalry. This is a clash of two different models of electioneering: The old-fashioned party loyalist and the professional campaign manager. ...... As he did for Modi, Prashant Kishor has set up a body for the Nitish campaign, called I-PAC, the India Political Action Committee. It has hundreds of members, divided across several teams, working like a corporate machine. I-PAC members dress in black, a move darker from the blue kurtas CAG members wore......... The singularly important factor in winning an election in India is building the “hawa” – the popular perception that this party is likely to win. Prashant Kishor’s method uses data, technology, branding and marketing techniques for hawa-building. Already for the Nitish campaign, there’s “parcha pe charcha” (discussion over pamphlets), 400 trucks with LED monitors and other gizmos are organizing 40,000 village meetings across Bihar. Nitish has launched a “Badh Chala Bihar – 2025” campaign, the subtle message of which is that he has a long-term vision for Bihar’s development....... Kishor is a former United Nations official who wants to work with politicians on policy issues and is ideologically agnostic. He began working with Modi on policy, but soon got drafted into the task of winning the 2012 Gujarat assembly election, and then 2014. Now he has been recruited to work that same magic for Nitish Kumar in Bihar, but the outcome, even if Nitish wins, may not be all that different for Kishor. ........ “Kishor and his team are keeping tabs on all of Kumar’s ministers to make sure they are actually hitting the campaign trail. Kishor’s army of youth dressed in black keeps checking on the locations of senior JD(U) leaders through mobile phone.” This is bound to make party leaders unhappy in the long run.
Lalu Prasad Yadav , Nitish Kumar to be hit hardest if caste data released: Ram Vilas Paswan
the caste-based data in the Socio Economic and Caste Census (SECC), the first in eight decades since 1912.
Ahead of Bihar elections, Nitish Kumar understands growing importance of women voters



Bihar Assembly elections: Amit Shah pits Nitish Kumar against Narendra Modi
Narendra Modi versus Nitish Kumar, incumbent Prime Minister versus incumbent chief minister..... If the NDA is not voted to power I can assure you there will be no electricity, no roads, no employment, no schools, no industry. Only Narendra Modi can get you all of that."